In academia today there are two branches of political science: the quantitative and the philosophical. The former approaches political science as an extension of sociology and economics, and spends its time analyzing polling data and other modern, objective aspects of politics. The latter approaches its discipline as an extension of philosophy and history, and spends its time reading and discussing the “Great Books of the Western World,” and classical literature in general.
In college I became very familiar with the latter camp. I took many classes with them, and spoke independently with their professors and their best students, many of whom are now in PhD programs or in DC. I had many great conversations with them, but they left me unsatisfied. I couldn't shake the feeling that their work was a collection of post hoc rationalizations of historical events and over-reverant over-readings of ancient texts. It not only lacked rigor: it seemed blissfully unaware of the concept of critical self-analysis. They presumed that every classical work had something deep and important to say, if only metaphorically, and they accepted the authors points uncritically.
They didn't read Machiavelli to analyze his arguments and decide if he was right or wrong; they read him like a monk reading the Bible: devotionally, to mediate on the true and deep meaning of the text they were certain was there. When challenged they had a cult-like instinct to defend the text, which often boiled down to “you'll understand when you're older.” When students did things like point out that Plato's response to Thrasymachus doesn't really answer the spirit of the objection (which is that there is no justice, only strength), and instead only refutes a peculiar interpretation of Thrasymachus' argument (which is that citizens have a duty to seek the interests of their government), they were met with sarcastic comments about how smart they must be to refute Plato.
Although they taught and emphasized reading comprehension, they seemed entirely innocent of all epistemology. They valued open-ended discussions about vague terms like virtue and manliness, but had little patience for truly critical questions (“Plato's argument for reincarnation is circular, as it assumes that life and death are analogous to consciousness and sleep”). They argued by speaking so vaguely and incoherently that students just assumed they were missing something, rather than that their professors had nothing substantial to say. When their arguments were clear they were usually ad hominem fallacies. Those who saw the vapidity of Nicomachean Ethics were said to lack sophistication or thumos (manliness).
To be fair, the actual ideas of these political scientists were not so much incoherent as they were just entirely speculative and lacking in any kind of rigor or proof. Like the ancient authors they idolized, they wrote clear, articulate manifestos full of baseless assumptions that they never defended or even acknowledged the need to defend. To use Aristotle as an example (for he is nearly as popular as Machiavelli among them), his Nicomachean Ethics assumes without argument (or, at best, with glib appeals to authority) that all actions aim at some end outside themselves, and that there is one, or one group of, ultimate end(s). Even if we forgive him for assuming that all actions aim at some external end, rather than being ends in themselves, his argument for one final goal for all actions is a simple appeal to vanity (“otherwise our desires would be empty and vain”).
He commits other crimes against reason, such as arguing that virtue is not a natural inclination in man, because natural forces cannot be trained: you can't teach a rock to fly. Note that this is the very example he gives as an argument. This is both a weak inductive argument and an equivocation on the meaning of nature, or at least an attempt to smuggle in external metaphysical assumptions. The most grievous error in Nicomachean Ethics is in 1.7, when Aristotle attempts to define the function of man. He wants to discover the “proper life” for a man, and thus determine a basis, or ultimate end, for ethics, but he dismisses certain kinds of lifestyles simply because they resemble non-human things.
For example, he says that a life of simple sustenance and health cannot be the function of man, because a plant is capable of doing the same, and man's function must be peculiar to him. This is just a non sequitur. No argument at all is offered for this assertion, and he dismisses the most obvious function of human life because plants are also capable of it. This is the sort of argument that is very popular in political science: the dressed up non sequitur so lofty in its proclamations that few dare risk the appearance of unsophistication required to call it what it is. It's the Jackson Pollock of arguments.
The entire discipline of non-quantitative political science is stuck in the college freshman stage of intellectual development, waxing eloquent in bull sessions, reaching conclusions far outside the scope of their arguments, and blissfully unaware of the distinction between internal and external validity. They attempt to draw grandiose conclusions about modern politics on the basis of historical events, often on the most superficial (if not outright imaginary) of similarities. I've heard them discuss the divergent outcomes of the French and American Revolutions as though they had never once heard the term “confounding factor.” It's bad enough to make glib comparisons between American military interventions and ancient Roman conquests, but half of their discussions were based on their own imaginations: the character of Athens versus the spirit of the Peloponnesian League, the virtues of Lincoln against the principles of the South, and so on.
I found their pontificating all the more amusing when it was combined with their characteristic delusions of grandeur. They stood atop all of history, the preservers and defenders of western civilization, students and teachers of human nature and virtue, the true learned men of the polis. Science, mathematics, and even social science done with rigor where all beneath them. The modern world had forsook the true wisdom of political science for the mere practical facts of science. As Harvey Mansfield, the modern star of the field, said, “[Our] crucial work, which is necessary to science and, may I add, more difficult and more important than science, is hardly even addressed in our universities.”
To combine the criticisms of two of my fellow students, political science is “a secular priesthood of mediocre minds, attracting those students to it who are most unable to see through its sophistries,” and “its multifarious terms form the basis of a pseudo-philosophical discourse, as much dependent on its reified abstractions as the most absurd system of superstitions."